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بازکاوی کنشگری‌های ایران و پاکستان بر پایه‌ی کُدهای ژئوایدئولوژیک | ||
| فصلنامه علمی برنامه ریزی منطقه ای | ||
| دوره 14، شماره 54، شهریور 1403، صفحه 1-12 اصل مقاله (1.45 M) | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.30495/jzpm.2022.21624.4017 | ||
| نویسندگان | ||
| افشین متقی* 1؛ مصیب قره بیگی2 | ||
| 1استاد گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکده علوم جغرافیایی، دانشگاه خوارزمی، تهران، ایران | ||
| 2دکتری ژئوپولیتیک، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران | ||
| تاریخ دریافت: 26 آبان 1400، تاریخ بازنگری: 15 خرداد 1401، تاریخ پذیرش: 16 خرداد 1401 | ||
| چکیده | ||
| هدف تحقیق حاضر بررسی تاثیر کدها و گزاره‌های ایدئولوژیک بر واقعیت‌های ژئوپولیتیکی ایران و پاکستان است مناسبات جمهوری اسلامی ایران و جمهوری اسلامی پاکستان یکی از انگشت‌شمار روابطی است که تاکنون تهدید امنیتی استراتژیک در آن مشاهد نشده است. ایران از نظر تاریخی از جمله نخستین کنشگران ژئوپولیتیکی در جهان اسلام محسوب می‌شود که استقلال پاکستان را به رسمیت شناخت. با رخداد انقلاب اسلامی، اما مجموعه فضاهایی بازتولید شد که کدهای ایدئولوژیک را در دو کشور فعال‌تر ساخت. گرچه پاکستان به‌عنوان یکی از میدان‌های بارز ژئوپولیتیکی در زمینه‌ی اسلام بنیادگرا به‌شمار می‌رود، اما تاکنون این میدان به تقابل ژئوپولیتیکی ارتقا نیافته است. با این حال، در آینده بسته به اینکه مناسبات تهران-اسلام آباد چه سطحی از قلمروگستری ایدئولوژیک را پوشش دهد، می‌توان انتظار داشت که سطوح مختلفی از همگرایی (تعامل ژئوپولیتیک) و یا واگرایی (رقابت ژئوپولیتیک) در کنشگری این دو کشور نمایان شود. تحقیق حاضر با روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با هدف بررسی تاثیر قلمروگستری ایدئولوژیک بر کنش‌های ژئوپولیتیکی پاکستان و ایران انجام شده است. بنابر یافته‌های این تحقیق، با توجه فضای بی‌ثبات سیاسی پاکستان و وزن ژئوپولیتیکی نسبتاً بالای گروه‌ها و احزاب بنیادگرا، منابع تنش و تهدید میان دو کشور همواره فعال خواهد ماند. اما با توجه به جهت نامتقارن تهدیدها که کدهای امنیتی پاکستان را در جبهه غربی (هندوستان) و شمالی (افغانستان) خود فعال کرده است و در مقابل، تمرکز امنیتی ایران بر محور مرزهای حوزه خلیج فارس و عمق استراتژیک در غرب (عراق و سوریه)، سبب می‌شود تا کنش‌های دو کشور به سوی تعامل ژئوپولیتیک سوق یابد. هرچند که وجود میزانی خفیف و پایداری از تنش در مناسبات تهران-اسلام آباد به دلیل فعالیت گروه‌های بنیادگرای مذهبی در پاکستان به‌ویژه پس از تثبیت طالبان بر سرزمین افغانستان در تابستان 2021، اجتناب‌ناپذیر است. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها | ||
| ژئوایدئولوژی؛ همگرایی؛ واگرایی؛ قلمروگستری؛ ایران و پاکستان | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| Explanation of the Iran and Pakistan’s Actions with emphasized on Geo-Ideological Codes | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Afshin Mottaghi1؛ Mosayeb GharehBeygi2 | ||
| 1Professor, Department of Political Geography, Faculty of Geographical Sciences, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran | ||
| 2PhD in Geopolitics, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| The history of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan is one of the few relations that have not yet seen in the strategic security threat. Historically, Iran is one of the first geopolitical actors in the Islamic world which has recognized Pakistan's independence. With the advent of the Islamic Revolution, however, a set of spaces was reproduced that made ideological codes more active in the two countries. Although Pakistan is considered as one of the prominent geopolitical arenas in the field of fundamentalist Islam, so far this field has not been promoted to geopolitical confrontation. However, in the future it can be expected different levels of convergence (geopolitical comradeship) or divergence (geopolitical competition) are evident in the relations between the two countries depending on the extent of Tehran-Islamabad's relationship with the ideological territory. The present study conducted by using of a descriptive-analytical method with the aim of investigating the effect of ideological Territoralization on the relations between Pakistan and Iran. According to the findings of this study, with the attention of Pakistani political destabilization and the relatively high weight of fundamentalist groups and parties, the sources of tension and threats between the two countries will always be active. But with regard to asymmetric threats that have activated Pakistani security codes on the West Front (India) and North (Afghanistan), Iran's security focus on the Gulf region and the strategic depth of the West (Iraq and Syria) It makes the two countries turn to geopolitical comradeship. However, the existence of a mild and sustained tension in the relations between Tehran and Islamabad is inevitable due to the activities of religious fundamentalist groups in Pakistan. Extended Abstract Introduction Rising security tensions in Iran's near and far environments, especially after the so-called Islamic Awakening, have made the relationship between Iran and its neighbors more important and strategic than ever before. Due to the systematic nature of the unrest, the greater the degree of instability and tension in the interior of the neighbors, the greater the likelihood of its spread to the interior of the country. Therefore, identifying and applying a logical and realistic set of political insights and approaches to neighbors that are consistent with the general conditions and situation of the region and the world, is of particular importance and necessity. In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, as one of Iran's neighbors, is of special importance in terms of geopolitical and ideological criteria. The highlighting of a number of regional and national events in the near and far environment has caused the geopolitical convergence and divergence of Iran and Pakistan to be in an uncertain state. The historical and geographical components that are the cause of the convergence of Iran and Pakistan have defined the relations between the two countries as a "strategic safe environment". In this regard, it seems that the contexts and components of the geopolitical interaction between Iran and Pakistan originate more from the type of historical order and geographical complementarity of the two countries, and despite the prominence of these commonalities, there is no will to internationalize it. By examining and identifying the divergent components of Iran and Pakistan in the context of geopolitical competition, it is concluded that the fields and factors of competition, unlike the fields of interaction, have an international order and mainly ideological sets affect the competition between Iran and Pakistan. Therefore, there is a special need to address and identify barriers to geopolitical interaction between Iran and Pakistan. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the question of what are the most serious obstacles to the convergence or geopolitical interaction of Iran and Pakistan and how it can be explained in the context of ideological territory. Methodology The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical and using library sources and documents, it has studied the geopolitical and ideological codes of Iran and Pakistan on both sides of the borders of these two countries. Results and Discussion Obstacles to the formation of geopolitical interaction between Iran and Pakistan must first be examined in the concentration of the atmosphere of fundamentalist Islamic ideology in Pakistan and then its impact on geo-economic competition. Islamic fundamentalism has led to widespread intimidation and violence in the form of terrorism against sects and other religions. It is natural that such an environment has detrimental effects on the region and its neighbors. The relationship between tension and divergence in Pakistan-Iran relations should be discussed and analyzed with two simultaneous events, the first of which is the Islamization program of "General Zia-ul-Haq" and the second is the victory of the Iranian Revolution (1979). Zia-ul-Haq (1977) declared that Pakistan should become an Islamic country. The Zia-ul-Haq military government, which needed legitimacy to survive, decided to turn to Islam to achieve this goal. The program of Islamization, General Zia-ul-Haq, relying on Hanafi jurisprudence, created a sense of threat and mobilization of the Shiite community, on the one hand, and the establishment of religious schools and the training of Sunni militants, on the other. This incident (Islamization program) took place when the Iranian revolution took place, Iran's withdrawal from the Western bloc (US) and the fear of this country joining the Eastern bloc (Soviet Union), caused its own concerns from the West. . From now on, conservative Arab governments were equally, and perhaps even more, concerned about the possible approaches of the Iranian revolution. Of course, this concern was well understood, most Arab countries had authoritarian and sometimes dictatorial regimes, so the occurrence of such a revolution was able to create a revolutionary and anti-government passion in the Arab nations and authoritarian governments in the region. Secondly, the waves of influence of the Iranian revolution on the Shiite minority in these countries could be considered as a motivating factor; And third, the victory of a Shiite state in the region was against the interests and wishes of the Sunni Arab governments. It seemed natural that Saudi Arabia and some of these countries should start their anti-Shiite and anti-Iranian activities as necessary. Eventually, the ideological tensions between Iran and Pakistan, with the support of Saudi Arabia and some Arab countries, were able to create a violent and fundamentalist form of groups opposed to the Iranian revolution. Arab Wahhabism and subcontinental Deobandi, which are a continuation of Ibn Taymiyyah's takfiri ideology, created the most extremist anti-Shiite and anti-Iranian militant groups in Pakistan, under the shadow of the Saudi monarchy and in the absence of real sovereignty, which had no international responsibility. The Taliban, the Companions' Corps and the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi in Pakistan are among the groups that, with the direct support of Saudi Arabia, are openly fighting the Shiites and Iran in every way (materially and spiritually). The main concern stems from the ideological influence of these groups, as terrorist groups such as Jundallah, Jaish al-Adl, and Ansar inside Iran (Sistan and Baluchestan Province) are strongly influenced by Wahhabi and Deobandi ideologies. In any case, Pakistan is known as the source of the ideology of the formation of extremist and uncontrollable forces, as well as the center of its export, and its role is likely to expand in this regard in the future. Indeed, the roots of the politicization of the fundamentalist process must be analyzed in the Pakistani military's involvement in its political affairs. In early 1979, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1979-1928) won an election that resulted in widespread protests by a group of nine Sunni religious political parties calling themselves the National Unity of Pakistan and occupying the streets. Months of insurgency against Bhutto's government have eroded Pakistan's central authority and mobilized anti-regime forces, particularly Islamists, to unprecedented levels, leading to riots, violence and chaos in major cities. Conclusion According to the findings of this study, with the attention of Pakistani political destabilization and the relatively high weight of fundamentalist groups and parties, the sources of tension and threats between the two countries will always be active. But with regard to asymmetric threats that have activated Pakistani security codes on the West Front (India) and North (Afghanistan), Iran's security focus on the Gulf region and the strategic depth of the West (Iraq and Syria) It makes the two countries turn to geopolitical comradeship. However, the existence of a mild and sustained tension in the relations between Tehran and Islamabad is inevitable due to the activities of religious fundamentalist groups in Pakistan. | ||
| کلیدواژه‌ها [English] | ||
| Geo-Ideology, Convergence, Divergence, Territoriality, Iran and Pakistan | ||
| مراجع | ||
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آمار تعداد مشاهده مقاله: 157 تعداد دریافت فایل اصل مقاله: 193 |
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